He hopes that democracy will prevail in Iraq as political violence escalates – Let’s See Todays News Updates

Iraq is at a crossroads as the countries that lost the recent election are using violence to invalidate the election results. At the same time, the real opposition is emerging for the first time.

Al-Sadr’s poster won the most seats in the Iraqi federal election

Political violence in Iraq has escalated over the past month.
However, there were unusual bases instead of US bases or convoys, which were often attacked. Last week, grenades were hurled at Sunni and Iraqi Kurdish political parties in Baghdad.
On Sunday, two Kurdish-owned banks in the capital were attacked by grenades.
Gunmen stormed the home of a Shi’ite cleric in Mutanna on Monday.
A senior member of a Shiite paramilitary group was also killed in southeastern Maysan in early January.

A bomb blast near a Kurdish-owned bank in Baghdad has killed at least two Iraqi people.

Common phone
Although diverse, these goals all have one thing in common. They all did something to offend those who lost the federal election last October.
The parties that lost the referendum in October have lost, but are still fighting for power in the next government. Although no one has claimed responsibility for the attack, analysts say the parties are resorting to violence to undermine the election results. The recent rise in attacks is a result of tensions as the country’s next government is about to be formed.
The winner of the federal election in October was the Union of Forwards. Although no party won, Sayroun won the most seats in parliament during the election, winning 73 of the 329 seats. Sayroun is a political arm of the movement led by Muqtada al-Sadr, a prominent Shiite cleric.
Meanwhile, the Fatah, or conquest coalition, lost the election. The group is also Shi’ite, but is often associated with an established Iraqi paramilitary group called the People’s Mobilization Force (PMF). Fatah won only 17 seats in the 48-seat parliament.
Improperly placed loyalty

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The PMF was originally founded by Shiite volunteers who offered to defend the country against an extremist group known as the Islamic State (IS). Initially, the PMF was considered a hero, but later they lost much of their popularity among ordinary Iraqis.
In part, this is due to the fact that many PMF fighters continue to swear allegiance to neighboring Iran, not their homeland. Iran has provided financial, logistical and even intellectual support in the fight against the Islamic State group.
Since then, Shiite paramilitary groups have been divided into those known for their loyalty to Iran and those who swear allegiance to their government. The latter group includes forces allied with al-Sadr.
Voters’ dissatisfaction with PWDs and Fatah made them a significant disadvantage in forming a government.

Competition between Shiites
In the past, when it came to forming a government in Iraq, religious groups denied everything else. Shiite Muslim politicians stand together to share power, form the largest bloc, elect a president, and then elect a prime minister. That is no longer the case.
Fanar Haddad, an assistant professor at the University of Copenhagen and an Iraqi political and religious expert, told DW that the rivalry between Shiites “has been dominated by Shiites in Iraq and has been a threat to the political order of ethnic religions.” “These competitions are nothing new, but such tensions have been rare.”
Haddad said Iraq’s political landscape had changed and could no longer be “guided by the prism of recognizing political and public unity.”

In fact, al-Sadr, the behind-the-scenes leader of the victorious Sairoun coalition, has repeatedly said he wants to form a majority government that would exclude Shiite Islamist parties affiliated with paramilitary groups loyal to Iran. This includes Fatah.
External influences
In early January, al-Sadr’s Sairoun party took the first step in forming a new government by joining Kurdish and Sunni politicians and re-electing senior Sunni politician Mohamed al-Khalbusi as speaker.
Al-Sadr made another comment this week. “Neither left nor right. A majority government,” he tweeted, referring to US influence in eastern and western Iran.

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The attacks on al-Sadr’s allies, as well as various PMF leaders such as Sunni and Kurdish politicians, parties and banks, are speculated to be the result of Fatah’s wrath, which is likely to prevent him from joining the next government.
“Although no one has been held accountable and their [Fatah and PMF] leaders have condemned the attack, I think the recent escalation of violence is likely to be a negotiation strategy,” said David Labud. Researcher in Iraq and Syria, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, based in Lebanon. “Basically, Fatah didn’t get the votes he needed, and now they’re playing hard ball with government negotiators.”
For example, a Sunni Muslim politician who threw a grenade at his office in Baghdad threatened to kill him at home.
An envelope was left on his door. “The national majority government will have many consequences for you,” he said, adding that he had been advised to withdraw from the deal with al-Sadr and refrain from engaging in Shiite politics.
This pressure to intimidate and violate the legitimate results of the election through intimidation and violence comes at a time when there are growing hopes that the Iraqi parliament may eventually become more representative. The new election law marks the first time that a truly independent opposition has emerged in the Iraqi parliament.
The attacks on al-Sadr’s allies, as well as various PMF leaders such as Sunni and Kurdish politicians, parties and banks, are speculated to be the result of Fatah’s wrath, which is likely to prevent him from joining the next government.
“Although no one has been held accountable and their [Fatah and PMF] leaders have condemned the attack, I think the recent escalation of violence is likely to be a negotiation strategy,” said David Labud. Researcher in Iraq and Syria, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, based in Lebanon. “Basically, Fatah didn’t get the votes he needed, and now they’re playing hard ball with government negotiators.”
For example, a Sunni Muslim politician who threw a grenade at his office in Baghdad threatened to kill him at home.
An envelope was left on his door. “The national majority government will have many consequences for you,” he said, adding that he had been advised to withdraw from the deal with al-Sadr and refrain from engaging in Shiite politics.
This pressure to intimidate and violate the legitimate results of the election through intimidation and violence comes at a time when there are growing hopes that the Iraqi parliament may eventually become more representative. The new election law marks the first time that a truly independent opposition has emerged in the Iraqi parliament.
At the crossroads of Iraq
The question is whether the country will turn to more violence and civil war between Shiite militias, or to a more genuine democracy.
“I think the greatest outcome will be between these two extremes,” Haddad of the University of Copenhagen said. “Political violence will continue and perhaps escalate, but I think the deal is more likely to go into a civil war. Excluding one of the next government’s key players is too costly and too much to lose because of personal competition. To disrupt the deal.”

Labude also said that Shiite parties are likely to reach an agreement in the end. He noted that the new election rules, although Fatah lost many seats in October last year, still won many votes.
Fatah and his allies received almost the same number of votes as al-Sadr’s Sayroun coalition. In addition, if Sayroun forms an alliance with the Kurdish and Sunni parties, their members of parliament will outnumber the Kurdish and Sunni members of parliament if they decide to unite against their Shiite allies.
No matter how the Shiite parties eventually united, Haddad said, “For the first time, the next parliament will have a formal opposition.”
“This is a good example in Iraqi politics,” Haddad said. “It remains to be seen the size, integrity and effectiveness of this opposition. But in the long run, it is possible to oppose the inter-elite agreement that has defined Iraqi politics since 2003.”

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