Between IPOB and Igbo – Let’s See Todays News Updates

Even in the modern age of the centralized political power of the modern state, the nature of the political process between Ndigbo remains essentially consultative, and it is a philosophical basis that no one knows except the horizontal and fragmented structure of his political system. The core of Igbo’s political, social, and cultural life, regardless of the remarkable or unique knowledge of someone or a group of people that is a reason to consult.
Political and philosophical foundations place a high value on reaching consensus through deliberate and comprehensive consultation. In addition to modern government power, which includes units of various groups in Igbo territory, the highest unit is usually the city, and in most cases there is no traditional power to exercise control and authority outside its domain, which is culturally homogeneous.
The nature of the political process makes it impossible for anyone or a group of people to act on behalf of Ndigbo on the basis of deliberations and consensus. It was not a personal or personal adventure until the proclamation of the dissolved independent state of Biafra.
On May 26, 1967, the 335th Consultative Meeting of Chiefs and Elders drew the attention of the then military governor of Eastern Nigeria, Colonel Odimegwu Ojukwu, to the situation in Nigeria’s Ndigbo and gave him a “reasonable” mandate. , Proclaimed the sovereign state of Biafra.
Most importantly, the Biafra Declaration and its nearly three-year struggle for sustainability were the result of extensive consultation and consultation with Ndigbo, who was well aware of the risks and sacrifices involved in such a decision.
When the struggle to feed the disbanded Republic failed, Ndigbo, despite all the structural limitations and the psychology of defeat, re-energized Niger and spread to all corners, becoming an inclusive and proactive republic.
The shaking of the Nigerian state, especially its return to civilian rule at the turn of the century, sparked a new wave of unrest under the brutal onslaught of corruption by political predators and the rise of nihilistic traders. freedom fighters, “national liberators” and various other irredentists.
Indigenous peoples of the self-proclaimed IPOB, or Biafra, emerged to revive the independent Biafra state, which had disintegrated from the Igbo nation. From the group’s current activities on terrorism and excessive intimidation against Ndigbo, who mostly lives in Igboland, it is clear that they are not seeking to liberate Ndigbo in Igboland, but to seize Ndigbo in Igboland.
With a number of sanctions imposed using extreme terrorism, an unorganized IPOB does not pretend to consult with any group or community in Igbo territory. bankruptcy and deprivation.
Every liberation movement in history has fought the enemy and defended its territory with the courage to commit suicide. Only an IPOB can turn its territory into a battlefield and unintentionally destroy facilities and other infrastructure that will serve the so-called independent state it wants.
The Igbo nation is being harmed by the fact that Ndigbo has been ordered to sit down and be locked out of its vital economic and life-saving activities in order to get rid of the bloodshed caused by the bankrupt Nigeria.
Nigeria’s national security has been reduced to physical security only around the special zones where its political leaders live, so if they have messianic calls about Biafra and Ndigbo in the implicit sense, the least expected of the IPOB is to be taken seriously. , is to protect and secure Ndigbo in their farms, markets, and other productive areas.
But the hungry and bloodthirsty IPOB was only interested in the “Biafra” and seemed completely indifferent to the Igbo nation and the Ndigbo, otherwise they would enforce strict restraining orders in the interests of whom they would burn, rob, kill, kill, and so on. that is. complete destruction of life and property.
The disbanded Biafra survived for about three years thanks to Ndigbo’s collective decision and sacrifice through consultation and consensus. There is no humility or modesty to create a small consensus through consultation with the IPOB, which now wants to own what it has not created, but seeks to conquer the Igbo nation as a criminal through a continuous campaign of terrorism and intimidation.

After the arrest of leader Nnamdi Kanu by the Nigerian federal authorities, the group lost consciousness, misplaced the poison against Ndigbo and ignored the Nigerian federal authorities who kidnapped their hero.
By the way, Mr. Nnamdi Kanu, who expels the Igbo elite with gall and contempt and brags about his knowledge of the encyclopedia of history, does not know that Kenya is not a place of hospitality for the rebels. If he really knew the story as he told it, he would know that the Greek embassy in Nairobi in February deceived Abdullah Okalan, the elusive leader of the Kurdistan Workers ‘Party, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party and the Turkish rebel group PKK. In 1999, he was flown to the Netherlands and flown directly to the hands of Turkish authorities in Ankara, who were desperately trying to arrest him, promising to take him to a Turkish jet painted in Malaysia’s national color at Nairobi airport. 1984 he.
Mr Okalan has been detained on the Turkish island of Mamara since then, and his militant group has been negotiating with Turkish authorities, but has not been seen since his arrest in 1999.
Most importantly, the PKK fighters and the huge Kurdish diaspora that finances their activities have not turned their people into artillery fodder like the IPOB in Igboland, and still do. Since the 1998 attack on the US embassy in Kenya, Nairobi has often been under the scrutiny of several national intelligence agencies, including the Central Intelligence Agency, Israel’s Mossad, and Britain’s MI5.
If any of them are upset by the false statements about Nnamdi Kanu’s international support network, they will raise a red flag. If the historical insight that the IPOB leader claims to know better than anyone else had benefited, it would not have reached Kenya in the long run.
Whether abducted, “illegally transferred,” or whether his supporters explain his captivity, the states do not give roses to the most wanted people, or hold a subtle party in the form of biblical extravagance to welcome them. The boy who returned home.
Mao in China, Ho Ming in Vietnam, Castro and Che in Cuba all received huge state rewards for their captivity and carefully avoided the enemies of the state until the victory of the revolution.
Due to Nnamdi Kanu’s reckless and reckless adventure, the Nigerian and Kenyan authorities chased Ndigbo, locked him in his home, and left him in a state of deprivation and starvation when he did not give any instructions or participate in Mr. Kanu’s arrest. .
But should Ndigbo watch helplessly as he devours the lowlands of the Messiah, to whom he has appointed himself through his career, business, politics, academia, and all the efforts of life? Nigeria is overgrown and security devices are not enough to stop IPOB thugs.
In the long-standing tradition of self-defense, communities in Igboland must be vigilant to help renew and redirect the many misguided youth involved in the IPOB killings.

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